Recalibrating Bangladesh’s Identity

Benedict Anderson in his renowned work “Imagined Communities” explains that national identity is essentially an imagination of a community with which the people of the society identify themselves. But the larger question remains: who formulates this imagination? Essentially the ideology or the party which occupies the seat of power influences and shapes this imagination which serves their narrative.

Illustration by The Geostrata

Historically, this phenomenon has created a lot of tussles between competing ideologies and narratives in nation-states. Leaders tend to shape the narrative according to their and their party’s beliefs when they acquire the seat of power. The most recent example is the State of Bangladesh.

Bangladesh has seen this tussle between two distinct national identities influenced by two dominant political powers, occupying the country’s political space since its inception in 1971.

The tussle has been between a secularist and linguistic nationalist discourse celebrating the Bengali identity and a national identity rooted in Islamic fundamentalism.

FORMATION OF BANGLADESH'S IDENTITY

The formation of the state of Bangladesh was based on a secular, linguistic identity-based nationalist movement, famously known as the “Bhasha Andolan” (Language Movement). The discontent of the Bengalis due to the autocratic administration of the state of Pakistan which blatantly ignored the cultural, economic, and social aspirations of its then Eastern wing, created the base for the National movement for the freedom of Bangladesh.

The imposition of Urdu and the central theme of Pakistan formed the social narrative of the movement. Whereas, the economic narrative of the movement was formed by the unequal resource-sharing mechanism followed by Pakistan. The national movement was headed by the East Pakistan Awami Muslim League (Now Bangladeshi Awami League) under the leadership of “Bangabandhu” Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.

The feeling that the East Pakistanis had a set of interests distinct from that of West Pakistan, intensified and culminated in Mujibur’s ‘Six-Point Programme’ announced in Lahore in February 1966.

Mujibur Rahman envisioned a Bangladesh for, by, and of the Bengalis. His last speech before the passing of the Constitution Bill on November 4, 1972, highlighted that Bangladesh’s secularism is not against any religion.

It allows a Muslim, Hindu, Buddhist or Christian to follow their respective faiths, the only reservation they had was regarding the usage of religion as a political weapon.

The first Prime Minister of the Provisional Government of Bangladesh, Tajuddin Ahmad in an 18-point missive announced in May 1971, advised his compatriots to be united as Bengalis, and not divide on lines of party, class, region and religion. Under his instructions, Bangladesh Betar routinely broadcasted recitations from the Quran, Gita, Tripitaka and Bible, which echoed Gandhi’s practice of multi-faith prayer meetings.

Even the constitution of the newly formed state of Bangladesh did not mandate a person to be a follower of Islam, to occupy the highest constitutional position in the country, unlike Pakistan.  Hence, The National Identity of Bangladesh was shaped on the foundation of a Secularist ideology, prioritising the linguistic, cultural and economic aspirations of the Bengali people. It was a well-thought-out and nuanced narrative that highlighted the distinctiveness between the central themes of Pakistan and Bangladesh.

CHALLENGES TO THE NATIONAL IDENTITY

Although the Awami League enjoyed popular support in East Pakistan during the National Movement, it was not devoid of dissent from certain political and social groups of Bangladesh. At the forefront of this dissent was Jamaat-E-Islami (JeI), an organisation that actively collaborated with the Pakistani Army and the Razakars – a paramilitary force created by General Tikka Khan – to suppress the Bangladeshi freedom movement.

JeI played a significant role in the brutal “Operation Searchlight” launched by the Pakistani Army in 1971, claiming the lives of nearly over three million people, subjecting 300,000 women to sexual assault, and forcing nearly 10 million people to flee to India for refuge.

The organization publicly opposed Bangladesh’s Independence movement and resisted the derailment of its identity from Islamic principles.Later, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), under the leadership of Ziaur Rahman, joined forces with JeI. In 1975, Zia lifted the ban on Jamaat, which had been imposed in 1971. Subsequently, Jamaat aligned itself with Khaleda Zia’s BNP, securing ministerial positions in both her governments in 1991 and 2001.  

While Bangladesh’s war of independence successfully preserved its culture and language, it couldn’t do much to control the deep inroads made by Islamic fundamentalism into its society. Attacks on Hindus and other minority communities became a recurring phenomenon. The assassination of Mujibur Rahman and most of his family, followed by a prolonged period of instability under military rule till 1990, created a fertile ground for radical Islamic forces to gain strength. These forces posed a direct challenge to Bangladesh’s identity and secular foundations.

SHEIKH HASINA ERA

Sheikh Hasina assumed power in 2009 after a brief stint in 1996 and maintained her position through democratic means until August 2024. Hasina’s clarion call in 2009 was to restore democracy and realign the identity of Bangladesh as envisioned by the nation’s founders. To achieve this, she introduced the 15th Amendment to the Constitution of Bangladesh.

This amendment made some major changes to reaffirm the country’s identity. It emphasized and constitutionalised four core state principles – “Secularism”, “Democracy”, “Socialism” and “Nationalism”. It also included provisions for protecting the culture of tribes, ethnic communities, and minor races while officially acknowledging Mujibur Rahman as the “Father of the Nation”.

In 2013, Hasina launched the “Gonojagoron Moncho” from Shahbag, Dhaka, as a platform to fight against fundamentalist forces in the country, who committed war crimes back in the 1971 liberation war.

Although attacks on Hindus and other minority communities persisted, it was significantly controlled and publicly condemned during her tenure.

Sheikh Hasina mended relations with India forging strategic cooperation while maintaining a cautious distance from Pakistan – a nation responsible for the deaths of millions of Bengalis, including her father and other family members.

 During her term in 2013, the Supreme Court of Bangladesh cancelled the registration of JeI, declaring it unfit to contest elections. On 1st August 2024 Hasina government imposed a blanket ban on JeI for their provocation of and participation in the violent protests of July 2024. The uprising ultimately led to Hasina’s ouster, marking the end of her tenure and paving the way for the recalibration of Bangladesh’s Identity, ushering in a post-Hasina reality.

POST HASINA REALITY 

The student movement of July 2024 which initially began as a protest against the 30% quota system in government jobs, reserved for the grandchildren of the Mukti Joddhas (Freedom Fighters), quickly escalated into an anti-Hasina movement demanding the removal of her government.

Jamaat-E-Islami and its student wing Islami Chhatra Shibir along with BNP infiltrated the quota protests, leveraging them to topple the democratically elected Hasina government and destabilised the country.

In the aftermath, an interim government was formed with Md. Yunus assuming the position of chief advisor – a position which has no constitutional mandate. While the purported role of this caretaker government is to ensure a peaceful transition of Bangladesh to “democracy”, the Yunus administration is leaving no stone unturned to recalibrate the national identity of Bangladesh along the lines of fundamentalist ideologies.

On 28th August 2024, the interim government lifted the ban on JeI and its student wing. It also dropped all cases against Tarique Rahman, son of Khaleda Zia. The Yunus administration in a move to secure political backing from BNP and JeI, has gone to the extent of declaring that they would be dropping the words “Secular” and “Socialist” from the constitution.

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Post the fall of the Hasina government, symbols of Bangladesh’s freedom movement and the legacy of Mujibur Rahman faced systematic erasure, the longstanding dream of Jamaat and BNP. Statues, buildings, and monuments which celebrated and acknowledged the Independence Movement and Mujib were desecrated. On August 5 2024, protestors burned down the historic residence of Bangabandhu – Dhanmondi 32. The interim government has been turning a blind eye towards these acts of vandalism.

Directives have been issued from the government to remove the picture of Mujibur Rahman from the currency notes. The National Curriculum and Textbook Board (NCTB) was instructed to remove references to Mujib and other Awami League leaders from school textbooks. Instead, the curriculum now includes texts on the July 2024 uprising and prioritizes Ziaur Rahman’s role over Mujib’s in the Independence Movement.

The title of “Father of the Nation” has been revoked from Mujib’s name, and the national holiday on August 15 commemorating the day of Mujib’s assassination, has been cancelled.

There have been numerous cases of violent attacks on minorities in Bangladesh post 4th August 2024. Open calls for an attack on the “enemies of Islam” have led to gruesome and widespread violence against Hindus, Buddhists, Christians and even the Sufis and Ahmadiyya.

Bangladesh Hindu Buddhist Christian Unity Council informed that there have been over 2,000 incidents of violence against Hindus in Bangladesh between August 4 and 20, 2024. When questioned, Yunus has consistently dismissed these concerns labelling them as “exaggerated”. Public statements are being made by Jamaat functionaries about the implementation of Sharia law instead of the constitution.

The unprecedented shift of the Yunus administration towards Pakistan is also evident. A nation born out of bloodshed and resistance against Pakistan recently commemorated the 76th Death Anniversary of Jinnah in Dhaka, with Urdu songs and poetry. With increased diplomatic and cultural efforts, Bangladesh is now trying to forge a shared religious identity with Pakistan. Increasing hostilities with India and an affirmative approach towards China, show further alignment with this new ideological trajectory.

CONCLUSION

This tectonic shift in narrative and identity reflects the reconstruction of the national “imagination” by the Jamaat and BNP backed interim government led by Yunus. The antics of the Yunus-led interim government reveal their efforts to construct a post-Hasina Reality for Bangladesh. A reality which is completely detached from its roots – the ideals which shaped the liberation movement in 1971 under the leadership of Bangabandhu.

Bangladesh is now grappling with a major identity crisis. Reimagination of National Identity has far-reaching consequences for future generations. The people of Bangladesh must now decide whether they will protect their hard-fought identity or sacrifice it for political convenience. 

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BY SAPNIL BISWS

TEAM GEOSTRATA

info@thegeostrata.com